
Vol. 2 No. 1 January 8, 2001
by Guest Blogger, 7/18/2002
In This Issue
In This Issue
The Corporate Image of The Bush Administration
Nussle Takes Over Budget Committee
Thomas Takes Over Tax Committee
The Estate Tax and Charitable Giving
The Myth of "Midnight Regulation"
IRS Reaffirms Right of Charities to Lobby
EPA Issues Rule Expanding Mandatory Disclosure of Toxic Releases
Industry Drives Environmental Information Activities
Board Issues Guidelines for Technology Access
Tech Help: Human Services Software and Technology
The Corporate Image of The Bush Administration
Last Wednesday, January 3, President-elect Bush convened an economic summit comprised of 36 business leaders. Not surprisingly, the summit concluded with Bush indicating that there is a need to push his $1.6 trillion tax cut package. The only new twist is that the proposed tax is now needed to stimulate the economy, according to Bush.
Less mentioned is the fact that the economic summit only involved representatives of corporations and was not a public meeting. There were no public interest representatives, no academic economists, no economists, and no news media. This may be setting a Bush administration theme: What is good for the Corporation is good for America.
This 1950s refrain of the slogan involving General Motors is seen in the selection of cabinet appointments, where most are direct products of corporate America, and in the selection of advisors. The implication is two-fold. First, the Bush team will likely operate as though government is a business. From our perspective, government is not the equivalent of business; we are citizens, not customers; there are processes and programs to deliver, not products based solely on efficiency models; government has a responsibility to respect transparency whereas corporations shun sunshine. Second, the substantive decisions of government -- whether through the regulatory policies or through tax initiatives -- are likely to be guided by the interests of business and those with wealth and power. Thus, we will see the erosion of regulatory protections and the advocacy of policy proposals such as the repeal of the estate tax.
The Center for Responsive Politics noted that the 36 business leaders that were part of the Bush economic summit have provided $1.7 million to federal candidates and political parties -- 93% of it to the Republicans. The corrosive influence of money in politics was noted by the online survey of nonprofit organizations in which charities from across the country identified this as the most important issue the Bush administration should address.
The connection between money and politics becomes even more direct when looking at who has been asked to serve on the Bush transition team. Of the 474 individuals who were named to serve as policy advisors, most were representing corporate America and 263 included campaign contributors. These advisers gave a total of $5.3 million to Republican candidates and the Republican Party, including $206,000 contributed directly to the Bush campaign, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. The Center notes that contribution totals include only donations made by the individual to a candidate or party committee. Totals do not include donations made by spouses or corporations, or by the individuals
themselves to political action committees. (For the complete list of the transition committee members, see the full report.)
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Nussle Takes Over Budget Committee
Rep. Jim Nussle (R-IA) won the Budget Committee chairmanship over three other candidates. He has indicated that budget reform will be a high priority. After his election as chair, he raised some questions about passing a large tax bill such as the one being proposed by President-elect Bush.
On Thursday afternoon, Nussle said he has "some initial concerns" about the tax cut that Bush was advocating on the campaign trail. It is likely that Nussle will have a significant role in any tax bill since he also serves on
the Ways and Means Committee which writes tax bills. As chair of the Budget Committee, he will have lead responsibility for writing the Budget Resolution, which provides reconciliation instructions on tax issues.
Nussle has a number of priorities for the Budget Committee. His first, which overrides tax cuts, is debt reduction. This might not be consistent with the Bush position, which places tax cuts as a higher priority than debt reduction. Bush has been talking increasingly about the need to jump start the economy with tax cuts.
Nussle is also an advocate for budget reform. Along with Rep. Ben Cardin (D-MD), he unsuccessfully pushed a bill that would have created a two-year budget cycle, an automatic continuing resolution assuming an appropriations bill had not passed, and much more.
At the end of this fiscal year -- September 30, 2001 -- the budget caps and pay-as-you-go budget rules expire. Nussle said that "no decisions have been made" about whether to extend these procedures, but reiterated his desire to make budget reforms. He also indicated he wanted to talk with ranking member Rep. John Spratt (D-SC) before coming to a final decision.
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Thomas Takes Over Tax Committee
Dropping the theme of seniority, the House passed up Rep. Phil Crane (R-IL) for the chair of the Ways and Means Committee and selected Rep. Bill Thomas (R-CA). Upon election as chair, Thomas indicated that he would pursue the
proposed large-scale tax cut being proposed by President-elect Bush.
For nonprofits, there are several implications. First, Crane is a sponsor of legislation to extend charitable deductions to taxpayers who do not itemize on taxes. The nonitemizer charitable deduction is a high priority
for the nonprofit community. If Crane were chair, there would be little doubt that the nonitemizer charitable deduction would move – and likely be enacted since there appears to be little opposition to it. The selection of Thomas, however, changes the picture. Nonprofits will need to better understand how high a priority the nonitemizer deduction will be to Thomas.
Second, Thomas advocated “paycheck protection” language on a campaign finance bill that would have adversely affected charities. The language would have required charities to get specific approval from members and contributors when using their money to engage in public policy matters. Public policy was broadly defined to include lobbying activities,
commenting on regulations, and much more. The "paycheck protection" provision, which more squarely impacted unions, helped to kill the campaign finance bill at that time.
It was rumored that Republican leadership asked Thomas to put in the paycheck protection language. Nonetheless, Thomas did it.
Third, Thomas is an advocate for repealing the estate tax, an issue that is central to the nonprofit community. OMB Watch, along with other organizations, will be working to retain the estate tax for three reasons. Repeal will create: greater concentrations of wealth and power; an adverse impact on charitable contributions; and less federal revenues
which can be used for domestic programs.
Table: House Committee Chairmen
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The Estate Tax and Charitable Giving
In the last OMB Watcher, we noted that repeal of the estate tax would have three adverse impacts: it would increase concentrations of wealth and power; it would sharply curtail charitable giving; and it would reduce federal revenues likely causing cuts in programs serving low-income and vulnerable families. In this article we begin to explore the connection between charitable giving and the estate tax.
Since there are no limits on the amount of money that can be left to charities -- and bequests to private foundations are treated the same as those to public charities -- charitable giving is a powerful way to lower the taxed value of the estate. Most estate tax filers recognize this deduction for charitable contribution as being the second largest type of deduction taken. Only the deduction for a surviving spouse -- in which an unlimited amount of money can be given -- is larger. Yet for estates worth $20 million or more – the largest estates -- the amount given to charity nearly equaled the amount given to the surviving spouse ($7.47 billion vs. $7.53 billion).
The estate tax proves to be an incentive to give to charity. Estates that have tax liability give between two and three times as much to charity as estates without tax liability. The latest available data, 1997, shows that taxable estates gave charities more than twice the amount non-taxable estates did. (Those filing taxable returns gave $9.6 billion; those filing non-taxable returns gave $4.6 billion.)
Based on this and other econometric data, most agree that repeal of the estate tax would have an adverse impact on charitable giving. The Treasury Department estimates that between $5 billion and $6 billion in charitable gifts would be lost each year if the estate tax is repealed. In a study for the Council on Foundations and Independent Sector, Price Waterhouse and Caplin & Drysdale concluded "abolishing the estate tax . . . would have reduced charitable bequests by about $3 billion out of an estimated $7 billion in 1996." Actually, charitable bequests turned out to be $10.2 billion in 1996, which would have increased the impact of the repeal. Extrapolating their calculations to newer data would suggest a $7.3 billion drop in charitable giving.
In 1997, estates provided $14.3 billion to charities. Nearly three-fourths of this comes from estates worth $5 million or more, and nearly 60% comes from the super-rich estates that are worth $20 million or more. (See chart below.)
Chart: Estate Tax and Charitable Giving (1997)
Currently, estates can give $675,000 (double this for married families) in inheritance without being taxed. This is planned to increase to $1 million in 2006. The above data suggests that changing the amount that is excluded by taxation from $1 million to $2.5 million or $5 million would not dramatically hurt charitable giving, although it would have some impact.
In the next Watcher, we will discuss which charities benefit from the charitable bequests under the estate tax.
Chart: Charitable Giving: The Estate Tax
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Cries in the Dark: The Myth of "Midnight Regulation"
As the Clinton presidency winds down, industry groups and their allies in Congress are angrily accusing the administration of "midnight rulemaking" for a number of major new regulatory initiatives designed to protect public
health, safety, and the environment. This criticism, however, is nothing more than propaganda -- which unfortunately has generated a number of misleading stories by the press.
The whole idea of "midnight regulations" should seem ridiculous to anyone who understands the rulemaking process. Agency rulemakings are guided by a legislative framework, requiring various analyses, public notice and comment, etc. These requirements are extremely time-consuming; it is not unusual for major rules to take more than 10 years to develop. If an agency ignores its legislative requirements in developing a rule, it is sure to face a court challenge, and the rule will be thrown out.
Undoubtedly, the Clinton administration is trying to wrap up work before the president’s term expires. But the regulations cited by industry have been worked on for years, and are a surprise to no one. In particular, this includes:
- A rule (issued Dec. 20) that promotes greater accountability for federal contractors – to make sure they comply with important public protections – by requiring disclosure of law violations to government contracting officers. This rule, which Sen. Tim Hutchinson (R-AR) called “an egregious example of midnight rulemaking” (Wash Post, 12/19/00), was first published for public comment way back on July 9, 1999.
- An OSHA rule (issued Nov. 13) that requires employers to implement ergonomics programs for work environments where musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs) occur. This standard has been more than a decade in the making. Indeed, it was initiated under President Bush's secretary of Labor, Elizabeth Dole. Since then, numerous studies – including studies done wholly independent of OSHA – have clearly demonstrated that MSDs caused by ergonomic hazards are the biggest safety and health problem in the workplace today.
- An EPA rule (issued Dec. 21) to curb pollution from diesel fuel used by heavy-duty trucks and buses. Under this rule, which has been years in the making, diesel fuel will eventually have to be nearly sulfer-free, and trucks and buses will have to be equipped with cleaner engines to reduce nitrogen oxide emissions by 95 percent and soot emissions by 90 percent.
- A rule (issued Jan. 5) banning new roads and logging in millions of acres of national forests, including much of Alaska’s Tongass National Forest. The completion of the rule, which was fiercely opposed by the timber industry, ends an eight-year battle.
- Regulations (issued Dec. 20) to protect the confidentiality of Americans’ medical records by limiting the information that health care providers can divulge without a patient’s consent. In 1996, Congress voted to adopt medical privacy standards itself within three years, or cede that responsibility to the administration if the deadline was not met. The self-imposed deadline was not met, and the Clinton administration acted -- over the objections of many in the medical industry.
- larger numbers of disabled workers employed in federal agencies
- up to a 10% increase in productivity among disabled workers
- new tehnology developments that will benefit the general public
