
Vol. 1 No. 22 November 20, 2000
by Guest Blogger, 7/18/2002
In This Issue
Exit Polls and the Nonprofit World
Initiatives All Over the Place
The Next Congress
Lame Duck Congress Continues
Campaign Spending and Contributions Records Shattered In 2000 Election
IRS Request for Comments
More, Better Environmental Information
NCLIS Proposes New Federal Government Information Agency
NCLIS Comprehensive Assessment of Public Information Dissemination Draft Recommendations
Tech Help: Online Help for Organizing Bookmarks
Notes and Sidebars
If You Believe Exit Polls . . .
The 2000 election will long be remembered for the close Presidential race between George Bush and Al Gore. Perhaps the lessons from exit polls and post-election polling will be less remembered, but may still have enormous implications for the public interest community.
According to a comparison of pre-election and post-election polling conducted by Public Opinion Strategies and The Mellman Group for the Health Insurance Association of America (HIAA), the election was one of the "most sharply divided in history by ideology." Of those claiming to be conservatives, 67% voted for Bush and 17% for Gore; of those claiming to be liberal, 76% voted for Gore and 11% for Bush; of those claiming to be moderates, 49% voted for Gore and 31% for Bush. Exit polls, conducted by the Voter News Service and published in The New York Times on November 12, 2000, support the same point. They found 81% of conservatives voted for Bush, 80% of liberals for Gore, and 52% of moderates for Gore. Since 1976 only Dukakis in 1988 received as many liberal votes, and only Reagan in his second election of 1984 received as many conservative votes.
Table: How America Voted
The division among voters goes well beyond ideology. Men overwhelmingly voted for Bush (53%); women for Gore (54%). By comparison, in 1976, 50% of men and women voted for Carter and 48% of men and women for Ford. The gap has grown over the years, but this year the gap was even larger than 1996.
Voters were split by race with blacks, Hispanics, and Asians voting for Gore, and whites for Bush. 90% of blacks voted for Gore, although they counted for only 10% of the vote total. Wealthy voters supported Bush; middle- and lower-income voters supported Gore. Voters in small towns and rural communities (59%) voted for Bush, while those in large cities (71%) voted for Gore. Voters in suburbs were more evenly split, with 49% voting for Bush and 47% for Gore.
The fact that these splits resulted in a near tie in the presidential race and near party parity in the House and Senate suggests that voter differences are not specific to just the presidential candidates. Couple these strong splits with the HIAA data that suggest various policy issues (e.g., abortion, taxes and spending) created large differences in voting behavior and you are left with a probable prescription for congressional gridlock.
Chart: Presidential Ballot By Deciding Issue
Division among voters is only part of the story. As we all know, there is an astonishingly low overall voter turnout in the U.S., even though turnout this year was slightly higher than the last national election. There is an increasing gap in voter turnout between low- and middle-income people. According to the Center for the Study of the American Electorate, in 1996, 65.7% of people with incomes of $50,000 or more voted, while only 28.5% of people with incomes under $10,000 voted. This trend seems to continue in exit polls from the 2000 election.
Table: Voter Turnout and Wealth
Perhaps because people who are poor and young are less likely to vote, there was very little campaign attention paid to their concerns or those of low-income minorities and inner city residents who have not benefited greatly from overall economic prosperity. In other words, there is a whole group of people out there who are disenfranchised from the democratic process, not without cause, and whose needs and opinions were not included in exit polls. These are people who heard little that was relevant to their situations from political candidates, and so simply didn't vote.
These data may have an impact on the role nonprofits can play in building support for various public policies. Our strength as a sector comes from providing locally-based stories that cut across partisan boundaries. In many ways that was a key reason why we were able to defeat an attack on the nonprofit advocacy voice lead by Reps. Ernest Istook (R-OK) and David McIntosh (R-IN) several years ago. We told policymakers about the impact on our communities if such a legislative proposal were implemented.
Policymakers will need to hear these types of local stories as they proceed with a range of policy options in the next Congress. But we need to move beyond defensive actions, such as with the Istook amendment, to describe needs of our communities.
For example, nonprofits across the country strongly support an "invest in America" message to use federal surpluses for domestic investments such as universal pre-school, universal health care, and livable wages. (See these results and others from the survey of nonprofits.) It will be essential, given the strong split identified in exit polls, to put a face on the needs, and to describe how government resources can help to strengthen our communities. Building a strong local voice may help to bridge whatever divide may exist in this country as the new Congress convenes - and nonprofits can play a lead role in making that happen.
Nonprofits can also play a role in encouraging those who do not vote to get more involved. They should be made a part of any discussion about putting a face on the needs and investing in America. Initiatives like a livable wage or universal pre-school or free college education may speak loudly enough to nonvoters to reengage them in the electoral process, forcing politicians to pay attention.
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Initiatives All Over the Place
Voters around the country faced state ballot initiatives on Nov. 7 that mirror issues OMB Watch tracks on the national level. Specifically, this included:
- Takings: Oregon voters approved a ballot initiative (Measure 7) -- by a 53 percent to 47 percent margin -- that would require the public to compensate property owners whenever a state or local regulation reduces a property's value. This so-called "takings" measure means that Oregon tax money will be used to pay corporations to obey virtually any land-use zoning, as well as laws protecting wetlands and wildlife habitat. This sets up a fool's choice: either pay out millions or billions of dollars in "compensation" or stop enforcing important public and environmental safeguards. The state of Oregon estimates the total cost to taxpayers at $5.6 billion in annual compensation to property owners. The courts are likely to decide whether Measure 7 is retroactive. If so, that would probably bring an end to Oregon's urban growth boundaries.
- Repeal of the estate tax: South Dakota voters approved -- 80 percent to 20 percent -- Amendment C, a repeal of the state estate tax. The repeal is somewhat surprising since 80 percent of South Dakota residents are not subject to the tax. And for those who are, a little more than 50 percent of the revenue comes from sources outside the state. The repeal is expected to cost South Dakota about $25 million per year, which will likely have to be made up through sales tax increases. South Dakota has no income tax.
- Campaign finance reform: Voters in California overwhelmingly approved limits (under Proposition 34) on campaign contributions by a 60 percent to 40 percent margin. The initiative, which was put on the ballot by the state legislature, limits individual contributions to $3,000 for state legislative candidates, $5,000 for statewide candidates other than governor, and $20,000 for gubernatorial candidates. Meanwhile, voters in Missouri soundly defeated a measure (Proposition B) -- 35 percent to 65 percent -- that would have established a system to publicly fund election campaigns in the state. Specifically, it sought to do this through a one-hundredth of one percent increase in the corporate franchise tax rate on corporations whose taxable assets exceeded $2,000,000 -- which was expected to generate about $13,000,000 per year.
- Restrictions on nonprofit advocacy: Oregon voters defeated two ballot measures that would have placed restrictions on the advocacy voice of nonprofit organizations. The first (Measure 92) -- defeated 45 percent to 55 percent -- would have prohibited payroll deductions for any "political purpose" without annual written consent from the employee. The second (Measure 98) -- defeated 47 percent to 53 percent -- would have banned the use of "public funds" for any workplace charitable collection that goes to nonprofits engaged in advocacy.
- Review of administrative rules: Oregon voters defeated a ballot initiative (Measure 2) -- by a 44 percent to 56 percent margin -- that would have required the Legislative Assembly to affirmatively approve any administrative rule that has been challenged by a petition of 10,000 voters (or the rule would expire). Special interests -- through an estimated $10,000 in paid petitioning -- should not have the power to throw important public protections in limbo in this way. Another version of this initiative was on the Oregon ballot in 1998, and it was also defeated.
- Urban sprawl: Arizona and Colorado voters overwhelmingly defeated initiatives -- backed by the Sierra Club -- that were designed to limit urban sprawl, with a 30 percent to 70 percent margin in both cases. Arizona's Proposition 202 would have required establishment of growth areas defined by boundaries, preservation of natural areas and neighborhoods, as well as the protection of air and water. It also would have required developers to pay the full cost of roads, schools and other public facility needs created by their new developments. Similarly Colorado's Amendment 24 would have required city planners and county commissioners to put growth plans to voters for approval, as well as directed cities and counties to consult with each other when drawing their growth area maps.
- Initial comments on the recommendations should be provided to the Commission not later than noon on Wednesday, November 22, so they can be evaluated and incorporated in the draft final report (including the proposed legislation), to be posted for broader public comment the following week.
- The Commission's deadline for submission of its final report to the Congress and the Administration is December 15, 2000, so final comments on the draft final report must be received not later than 9 a.m. Monday, December 11, 2000.
- Number of elections decided in the House of Representatives since the start of the Electoral College system: 2
- Largest electoral vote total received by a President: 525 (Ronald Reagan in 1984)
- Lowest electoral vote total for a winning presidential candidate: 69 (George Washington in 1789, running unopposed)
- Largest margin of electoral votes: 515 (Franklin Roosevelt defeated Alfred Landon 523 to 8 in 1936)
