
Vol. 1 No. 2 February 14, 2000
by Guest Blogger, 7/18/2002
In This Issue
EPA Goes Offline
Online Survey on EPA Shutdown
Biennial Budgeting
Corporate Taxes Falling
States' Welfare Surpluses
Briefing on Nonprofits and Lobbying
Online Survey on Lobby Disclosure Proposal
House Committee Attacks A Nonprofit
Chamber Tests Changes to Circular A-110
Government Performance and Results Act Information
FOIA Exemption for Businesses
Environmental Worst Case Scenarios
Online Resources for Voter Education
Tech Help: Collecting Data
Notes and Sidebars
Access Denied: EPA Goes Offline
The Environmental Protection Agency pulled its Web site offline last week after
Rep. Thomas J. Bliley (R-VA) allowed details of security concerns to become public. Business and community groups, insurance companies and educators, attorneys and students, all of whom rack up millions of visits to EPA's website every month, were unable to access any part of the site or communicate via e-mail with EPA employees.
Called a "publicity stunt" by some and an attempt to roll-back right
to know policies at EPA by others, Bliley issued a press release on February 16th, entitled, "GAO Finds Cyber Insecurity at EPA." The press release was based on findings of a General Accounting Office investigation that showed computer security
deficiencies at EPA. EPA has been working with GAO to
strengthen its computer security and was set to release in the next
few weeks new data on industrial toxic chemical pollution in the
United States. Bliley issued the press release with little warning, giving the EPA no time to prepare for the release of the findings. That night, EPA shut down its Internet services, claiming that Bliley's press release was an implicit encouragement to hackers to try to breach the system.
EPA is now slowly putting its site back online. While Bliley was correct in pursuing computer security problems at the EPA -- which has known about these problems for some time and been slow to act -- going public, especially since EPA was fixing the most severe problems, was the wrong approach. This inside-the-Beltway wrangling between EPA and Bliley only does a disservice to meeting the public's right-to-know.
For more information, read the OMB Watch analysis.
We're taking a survey on your thoughts about the EPA website shutdown. We'll report back in the next issue on the survey results. The survey tool is free and can be used by anyone.
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Biennial Budgeting
Sen. Dominici (R-NM) again introduced a bill (S.92) to change the federal budget, appropriations and authorization processes from a yearly
cycle to every two years. It has been placed on the Senate
legislative calendar and will likely be considered within the next few
months. Here's a quick primer:
Why biennial budgeting? The argument is that a biennial budget
cycle would streamline the budget process, provide more focused
time for congressional oversight, and enhance the ability of agencies
to manage their operations.
It sounds good, but would this really help, or cause a yearly
unscheduled train wreck, rather than the usual and anticipated
yearly wreck? Following are a few of the problems:
The yearly budget process requires working on budgets far in
advance. Biennial budgeting would increase this forecasting,
quite possibly leading to decisions that are outdated.
Appropriations for the second year of the budget cycle would be
decided well more than two years in advance. For instance,
economic changes could require an adjustment of fiscal policy;
normal oversight findings on various government programs could
indicate the need for more or less resources; or epidemics,
social issues, or international crises could arise that weren't
contemplated when the budget was prepared. The budget
would then have to be adjusted mid-stream, leading to more, rather than less, careful deliberation, and more, rather than
less, emergency and supplemental appropriations, making for a
messier budget decided in an ad hoc fashion.
Biennial budgeting would be more likely to preserve the status
quo, reducing important changes in budget decisions. Budget decisions frequently involve incremental changes from year to
year, and biennial budgeting would lock in these small changes over two years. In the appropriations process, Congress would
have less ability to divide up limited discretionary funds in a way
that reflects changing needs and priorities. Decisions to reduce
funding to a program that wasn't working, increase funding for a
program that was important but struggling, or provide funding a
new and innovative program addressing some unanticipated
need could only be made every two years, not when the need is
evident. Agency oversight is also a significant part of the yearly
appropriation process requiring agencies to justify and defend
their programs each year. This would reduce, not enhance, that yearly opportunity for oversight.
We think that the budget process needs the flexibility of operating
on a yearly basis to appropriately allocate monies as some needs
recede in importance and other needs arise or increase. Unfortunately, Congress has not been able to get the job done each year within the allotted time. So, biennial budgeting, even with its flaws, may become the only choice.
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Corporation Tax Rates Are Falling
Corporations are increasing their profits, but paying less tax.
According to a New York Times article (2/20/00), corporations paid
26 cents on every dollar of profit in 1990, but by 1997, they were
paying only 20 cents. The Times stated that a major reason for this
substantial slide in tax revenue is the increasing use of corporate tax
shelters.
Corporations are greatly benefiting from the booming
economic climate in the United States but rather than pay taxes
based on their rising profits, they are becoming more adept at
reducing their tax burdens. If corporations were paying their fair
share of taxes, federal budget surpluses would be even higher and
we’d have more resources to address the needs of those who are
not prospering.
The Washington Post today identifies the problem in another way, by looking at corporate profits reported to the IRS versus to shareholders for companies with assets of $1 billion or more. The Post notes that in 1992 the profit reported to the IRS and shareholders was roughly the same. But in 1996, companies reported $119 billion less in profits to the IRS than to shareholders.
The Treasury Department yesterday announced a campaign to target tax
shelters in order to recover lost corporate taxes. The IRS will issue
regulations, retroactive to yesterday, requiring companies to disclose with their tax returns information that might indicate use of tax shelters. It is estimated that this could raise as much as $10 billion per year. However, these regulations will not likely have powerful penalties unless Congress change the tax code to add enforcement actions, an action that is unlikely in an election year.
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States Hoarding Welfare Surpluses
The National Campaign for Jobs and Income, a coalition of anti-poverty groups, recently released a report finding that states are
hoarding $7 billion in unspent federal funds earmarked to help low-income Americans. The surplus funds are a result of the decrease
in the number of Americans receiving welfare--due to the booming
economy and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) eligibility limits. The National Campaign believes that this money ought to be used by states to help the many Americans who are not benefitting from the country's overall prosperity and the surpluses should not be saved or spent on tax cuts or other state programs. California had the most, with $1.6 billion, while Utah was in the bottom third of states, with a $17.8 million surplus. See the full report and find out how much money
your state is holding
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Briefing on Proposals to Regulate Nonprofit Lobbying
The Let America Speak! Coalition is sponsoring a briefing on Friday, March 3, in Washington, D.C., to discuss proposals that would increase reporting requirements on charitable organizations that lobby.
As discussed in the last issue of the OMB Watcher Online, the Congressional Joint Committee on Taxation made the proposals as part of its recent report dealing with confidentiality and disclosure provisions in federal tax law. The proposals would require 501(c)(3) organizations to report expenditures to produce nonpartisan analyses that contain a "limited call to action," and to use the "self defense" exception to lobbying. The Joint Committee proposals would also require charities to provide a detailed narrative describing the organization's lobbying activity.
The JCT proposals could have a major impact. We'd like your thoughts on the proposals. Click here to fill out an online survey. We'll report the results in the next issue. The online survey tool is free and easy to use.
The briefing on the JCT proposals will be held on Friday, March 3, from 10 am to 11 am in the offices of Independent Sector at 1200 18th Street, NW, Second Floor, in Washington, DC. Representatives from Let America Speak! Coalition member groups will summarize the proposals and lead a discussion about the possible impact they might have on 501(c)(3)s.
Let America Speak! is a coalition of community and national organizations working to defend the advocacy rights of America's nonprofit community. The Let America Speak! Coalition is co-chaired by the Alliance for Justice, Independent Sector, and OMB Watch.
For more information contact Heather Hamilton at OMB Watch, 202-234-8494 or <hbhamilton@ombwatch.org>.
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Retaliation By House Raises Concerns
Put a bullseye on the Project On Government Oversight (POGO) -- a
nonprofit government watchdog group -- for doing its job. On February 23rd, Rep. Don Young (R-AK), Chair of the House Resources Committee, served POGO with a subpoena to obtain various pieces of information, including phone records of the organization and the home phone records of the Executive Director. The subpoena seeks the name of the companies that provide phones services to the organization and seeks the phone numbers of each Board member, implying that the House committee will seek records from the phone companies.
So what is this all about? Is POGO the subject of a criminal
investigation? Well... no.
POGO and Young have been wrangling over POGO's successful campaign to
expose fraud in the oil industry, some affecting Young's Alaska
constituency. POGO has won several court decisions over the last year,
relying on whistleblower testimony. There are issues about uses of money: were funds used to pay whistleblowers; what was the role of the executive director; etc.
Without regard to who is right in the POGO-Young confrontation, it is
rather startling that Young has used subpoena power to attack POGO. Subpoenas of this sort are considered highly unusual and some think
the scope of the subpoena raises serious constitutional questions. Can
a member of Congress, even a chair, provide implied threats that he or she can go to private companies and obtain records about you or your
organization? Can a committee, which disagrees with your actions obtain
your phone records to learn more about your activities and who you
communicate with? If so, this raises significant concerns about
constitutional protections afforded under our right to freedom of
association and freedom of speech.
In the case of POGO, the subpoena raises even larger concerns about
protecting the anonymity of whistleblowers.
It appears, however, that such tactics are becoming increasingly common
for the House Resources Committee. In the last two years, they have issued subpoenas to monitor nonprofits dealings with government agencies and to acquire documents on behalf of the industry litigants with the federal government, as well as requesting the identities of federal government employees belonging to specific environmental groups.
This sort of retaliation on the part of any government office poses a
threat to all nonprofits. A sign-on letter has been circulated, and on
February 28th, POGO held a press conference to announce its refusal to betray whistleblowers by complying with Young's subpoena. We'll see what happens next. But Young could then push to have POGO held in contempt of Congress.
For more information on what you can do or to follow the issue, you may
want to contact the Project On Government Oversight website or Beth Daly, 202-466-5539, at POGO.
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Chamber Tests New Circular A-110
In December, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce took steps to test new changes to Circular A-110, "Uniform Administrative Requirements for Grants and Agreements with Institutions of Higher Education, Hospitals, and Other Non-Profit Organizations." OMB made changes to Circular A-110 to comply with a legislative rider to the FY 1999 Omnibus Appropriations bill, sponsored by Sen. Richard Shelby (R-AL). The Shelby amendment makes all data produced under a grant subject to the "procedures
established under the FOIA" and would permit the granting federal
agency to impose a user fee on the requestor equaling the
incremental cost of obtaining the data.
The Chamber of Commerce has been supportive of extending FOIA to nonprofit grantees because it will enable businesses to challenge agency regulations that are based on nonprofit grantees' research. It may also make it more difficult for nonprofits to conduct studies if they cannot guarantee confidentiality to research subjects. Some examples of regulations the Chamber wants to target: protection
against second-hand smoke; warnings about breast implants; workplace ergonomic standards; clean air rules; environmental justice claims; and EPA's right-to-know programs.
Last December, the Chamber requested data from the EPA on research conducted at Harvard University. The National Institutes of Health had granted funds to Harvard University to collect and analyze data that was used by the EPA in determining how to write a rule central to the Clean Air Act. Presumably, the Chamber wants the underlying data that Harvard generated so they can re-analyze it and criticize the EPA regulatory policy. EPA has publicly provided aggregated data used in its risk assessment and cost-benefit analysis, but has not provided the underlying information which is retained by Harvard. The Chamber's request seems to be designed to provoke a lawsuit testing the new changes to Circular A-110. It is highly likely that more suits will follow, over both access to information, and OMB's interpretation of the statutory language.
Click here for more information
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The Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA)
OMB Watch recently completed a series of reports from a project
funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts and others to increase nonprofit
involvement in the implementation of GPRA. The following papers
are on our Government Performance web page:
- Facts sheets about GPRA, performance measurement lingo, and issues for nonprofits.
- Results of a survey of Congressional Committee staff and OMB Watch's government performance email list.
- An analysis of the childcare and TANF performance measures and indicators in the Administration for Children and Families Performance Plan.
- A conference paper about how environmental groups could use GPRA to improve environmental quality and the effectiveness of the EPA.
